The Rise of Trade Unions
Trade unions, also called labour unions are associations of workers in a particular trade, industry, or company created for the purpose of securing improvements in pay, benefits, working conditions, or social and political status through collective bargaining. Through the history of British Empire, trade unions were one of the main tools of the workers to secure their rights via pushing for various reforms and acts.
The Rise of Unions
The industrial revolution in Great Britain completely changed the urban landscape during the 19th century. As new industries grew, so did a distinct urban working class. These workers often faced difficult working and living conditions and had very little individual power to improve their positions. Workers responded to the challenges they faced in different ways, but many turned to unionisation to influence their environments.
The trade unions grew out of trade societies that had been created to provide workers with benefits like pensions, sick pay and funeral coverage. However, the formal and informal trade unions of the mid and late 19th century went beyond creating a social safety net. Unions spanned the spectrum of political ideologies and action, and some became feared for inspiring radicalism.
Trade unions formed the foundation of worker organisation and power. By consolidating a majority of a factory or industry’s workforce into a single body, workers gained power and influence. Through organisation and cooperation, union leaders had the power to negotiate with employers for fair treatment, wage increases and improved conditions. The strike became the trade union’s most powerful bargaining chip and was the ultimate fear for employers.
While it is fair to say that strikes did frequently take place in nearly every industry, it would be overly simplistic to label unions as strike organisations. As Arnold Toynbee stated in his book “The Industrial Revolution”:
"Trades-Unions, again, have done much to avert social and industrial disorder, and have taught workmen, by organisation and self-help, to rely upon themselves. The mischief and wastefulness of strikes is generally enough insisted on, but it is not as often remembered that the largest Unions have sanctioned the fewest strikes; the Amalgamated Engineers, who have 46,000 members, and branches in Canada and India, expended only six per cent. of their income on strikes from 1867 to 1877. The leaders of such a great Union are skilful, well informed men, who know it to be in their interest to avoid strike."
Toynbee’s statement shows that unions were savvy political and social organisations. Their motivations went beyond wage increases and strike planning. Union leaders understood that during a strike both sides lost. Successful trade unions brought workers together to negotiate with employers and only struck when it was strategically beneficial. Over the course of the 19th century unions became the vehicle for driving change in the new industrial British society.
The trade unions grew out of trade societies that had been created to provide workers with benefits like pensions, sick pay and funeral coverage. However, the formal and informal trade unions of the mid and late 19th century went beyond creating a social safety net. Unions spanned the spectrum of political ideologies and action, and some became feared for inspiring radicalism.
Trade unions formed the foundation of worker organisation and power. By consolidating a majority of a factory or industry’s workforce into a single body, workers gained power and influence. Through organisation and cooperation, union leaders had the power to negotiate with employers for fair treatment, wage increases and improved conditions. The strike became the trade union’s most powerful bargaining chip and was the ultimate fear for employers.
While it is fair to say that strikes did frequently take place in nearly every industry, it would be overly simplistic to label unions as strike organisations. As Arnold Toynbee stated in his book “The Industrial Revolution”:
"Trades-Unions, again, have done much to avert social and industrial disorder, and have taught workmen, by organisation and self-help, to rely upon themselves. The mischief and wastefulness of strikes is generally enough insisted on, but it is not as often remembered that the largest Unions have sanctioned the fewest strikes; the Amalgamated Engineers, who have 46,000 members, and branches in Canada and India, expended only six per cent. of their income on strikes from 1867 to 1877. The leaders of such a great Union are skilful, well informed men, who know it to be in their interest to avoid strike."
Toynbee’s statement shows that unions were savvy political and social organisations. Their motivations went beyond wage increases and strike planning. Union leaders understood that during a strike both sides lost. Successful trade unions brought workers together to negotiate with employers and only struck when it was strategically beneficial. Over the course of the 19th century unions became the vehicle for driving change in the new industrial British society.
British trade unions
Unions in Britain were subject to often severe repression until 1824, but were already widespread in cities such as London. Trade unions were legalised in 1824, when growing numbers of factory workers joined these associations in their efforts to achieve better wages and working conditions. Workplace militancy had also manifested itself as Luddism and had been prominent in struggles such as the 1820 Rising in Scotland, in which 60,000 workers went on a general strike, which was soon crushed. From 1830 on, attempts were made to set up national general unions, most notably Robert Owen's Grand National Consolidated Trades Union in 1834, which attracted a range of socialists from Owenites to revolutionaries. That organisation played a part in the protests after the Tolpuddle Martyrs' case, but soon collapsed.
An important development of the trade union movement in Wales was the Merthyr Rising in May 1831 where coal and steel workers employed by the powerful Crawshay family took to the streets of Merthyr Tydfil, calling for reform, protesting against the lowering of their wages and general unemployment. Gradually the protest spread to nearby industrial towns and villages and by the end of May the whole area was in rebellion, and for the first time in the world the red flag of revolution was flown – which has since been adopted internationally by the trades union movement and socialist groups generally.
An important development of the trade union movement in Wales was the Merthyr Rising in May 1831 where coal and steel workers employed by the powerful Crawshay family took to the streets of Merthyr Tydfil, calling for reform, protesting against the lowering of their wages and general unemployment. Gradually the protest spread to nearby industrial towns and villages and by the end of May the whole area was in rebellion, and for the first time in the world the red flag of revolution was flown – which has since been adopted internationally by the trades union movement and socialist groups generally.
Chartism
In the later 1830s and 1840s, trade unionism was overshadowed by political activity. Of particular importance was Chartism, the aims of which were supported by most social-liberals, although none appear to have played leading roles. Chartism was a working-class movement for political reform in Britain which existed from 1838 to 1858. It took its name from the People's Charter of 1838 and was a national protest movement, with particular strongholds of support in Northern England, the East Midlands, the Staffordshire Potteries, the Black Country, and the South Wales Valleys. Support for the movement was at its highest in 1839, 1842, and 1848, when petitions signed by millions of working people were presented to Parliament. The strategy employed was to use the scale of support which these petitions and the accompanying mass meetings demonstrated to put pressure on politicians to concede manhood suffrage. Chartism thus relied on constitutional methods to secure its aims, though there were some who became involved in insurrectionist activities, notably in south Wales and Yorkshire. The government did not yield to any of the demands, and suffrage had to wait another two decades. Chartism was popular amongst some trade unions, especially London's tailors, shoemakers, carpenters, and masons. One reason was the fear of the influx of unskilled labour, especially in tailoring and shoe making. In Manchester and Glasgow, engineers were deeply involved in Chartist activities. Many trade unions were active in the general strike of 1842, which spread to 15 counties in England and Wales, and eight in Scotland. Chartism taught techniques and political skills that inspired trade union leadership.
Chartist demonstration, Kennington Common, 1848; illustration from The Life and Times of Queen Victoria (1900) by Robert Wilson.
New establishments
Union activity from the 1850s to the 1950s in textiles and engineering was largely in the hands of the skilled workers. They supported differences in pay and status as opposed to the unskilled. They focused on control over machine production and were aided by competition among firms in the local labour market.
After the Chartist movement of 1848 fragmented, efforts were made to form a labour coalition. The Miners' and Seamen's United Association in the North-East, operated 1851–1854 before it too collapsed because of outside hostility and internal disputes over goals. The leaders sought working-class solidarity as a long-term aim, thus anticipating the affiliative strategies promoted by the Labour Parliament of 1854.
More permanent trade unions were established from the 1850s, better resourced but often less radical. The London Trades Council was founded in 1860, and the Sheffield Outrages spurred the establishment of the Trades Union Congress in 1868. The legal status of trade unions in the United Kingdom was established by a Royal Commission on Trade Unions in 1867, which agreed that the establishment of the organisations was to the advantage of both employers and employees. Unions were legalised in 1871 with the adoption of the Trade Union Act 1871.
After the Chartist movement of 1848 fragmented, efforts were made to form a labour coalition. The Miners' and Seamen's United Association in the North-East, operated 1851–1854 before it too collapsed because of outside hostility and internal disputes over goals. The leaders sought working-class solidarity as a long-term aim, thus anticipating the affiliative strategies promoted by the Labour Parliament of 1854.
More permanent trade unions were established from the 1850s, better resourced but often less radical. The London Trades Council was founded in 1860, and the Sheffield Outrages spurred the establishment of the Trades Union Congress in 1868. The legal status of trade unions in the United Kingdom was established by a Royal Commission on Trade Unions in 1867, which agreed that the establishment of the organisations was to the advantage of both employers and employees. Unions were legalised in 1871 with the adoption of the Trade Union Act 1871.
New Unionism: 1889–93
The "aristocracy of labour" comprise the skilled workers who were proud and jealous of their monopolies, and set up labour unions to keep out the unskilled and semiskilled. The strongest unions of the mid-Victorian period were unions of skilled workers such as the Amalgamated Society of Engineers. Trade unionism was quite uncommon amongst semi-skilled and unskilled workers.
The union officials avoided militancy, fearing that strikes would threaten the finances of unions and thereby their salaries. An unexpected strike wave broke out in 1889–90, largely instigated by the rank and file. Its success can be explained by the dwindling supply of rural labour, which in turn increased the bargaining power of unskilled workers.
The New Unionism starting in 1889 was a systematic outreach to bring in as union members the striking unskilled and semiskilled workers. Ben Tillett was a prominent leader of the London Dock strike of 1889. He formed the Dock, Wharf, Riverside and General Labourers' Union in 1889, which had support from skilled workers. Its 30,000 members won an advance in wages and working conditions.
Unions played a prominent role in the creation of the Labour Representation Committee which effectively formed the basis for today's Labour Party.
The union officials avoided militancy, fearing that strikes would threaten the finances of unions and thereby their salaries. An unexpected strike wave broke out in 1889–90, largely instigated by the rank and file. Its success can be explained by the dwindling supply of rural labour, which in turn increased the bargaining power of unskilled workers.
The New Unionism starting in 1889 was a systematic outreach to bring in as union members the striking unskilled and semiskilled workers. Ben Tillett was a prominent leader of the London Dock strike of 1889. He formed the Dock, Wharf, Riverside and General Labourers' Union in 1889, which had support from skilled workers. Its 30,000 members won an advance in wages and working conditions.
Unions played a prominent role in the creation of the Labour Representation Committee which effectively formed the basis for today's Labour Party.
Emerging Labour Party
The Labour Party's origins lie in the late 19th century, when it became apparent that there was a need for a new political party to represent the interests and needs of the urban working class, a demographic which had increased in number and had recently been given franchise. Some members of the trades union movement became interested in moving into the political field, and after further extensions of the voting franchise in 1867 and 1885, the Liberal Party endorsed some trade-union sponsored candidates. The first Lib–Lab candidate to stand was George Odger in the Southwark by-election of 1870. In addition, several small socialist groups had formed around this time, with the intention of linking the movement to political policies. Among these were the Independent Labour Party, the intellectual and largely middle-class Fabian Society, the Marxist Social Democratic Federation and the Scottish Labour Party.
Exercises:
1. Re-read the text, make up a list of necessary vocabulary and answer the following questions:
1) What is the purpose of establishing trade unions?
2) Are strikes the only weapon of the unions?
3) What was the importance of the Chartism movement to the British unions?
4) Which trade unions and labour coalitions emerged after the fragmentation of Chartism?
5) What is the "aristocracy of labour"?
6) How did the Labour party emerge from the unions?
2. Find in the text the following words and word combinations, find a Russian equivalent for them and add them to your working vocabulary:
urban landscape; consolidating; savvy; vehicle for driving change; insurrectionist; competition.
3. Use the words from the Exercise 2 in your own sentences.
4. Write your summary of the text, emphasising in it:
a) its subject matter,
b) the facts discussed,
c) the author's point of view on these facts.
5. Look up information on the Internet and prepare to discuss with your groupmates the following question:
"Is trade unionism a good or a bad thing? What are the good and bad sides of this phenomenon?"
1) What is the purpose of establishing trade unions?
2) Are strikes the only weapon of the unions?
3) What was the importance of the Chartism movement to the British unions?
4) Which trade unions and labour coalitions emerged after the fragmentation of Chartism?
5) What is the "aristocracy of labour"?
6) How did the Labour party emerge from the unions?
2. Find in the text the following words and word combinations, find a Russian equivalent for them and add them to your working vocabulary:
urban landscape; consolidating; savvy; vehicle for driving change; insurrectionist; competition.
3. Use the words from the Exercise 2 in your own sentences.
4. Write your summary of the text, emphasising in it:
a) its subject matter,
b) the facts discussed,
c) the author's point of view on these facts.
5. Look up information on the Internet and prepare to discuss with your groupmates the following question:
"Is trade unionism a good or a bad thing? What are the good and bad sides of this phenomenon?"
